Conservatives

American conservatism has traditionally focused on respecting American traditions, supporting republicanism and the rule of law, Judeo-Christian values, opposing Communism, promoting American exceptionalism, and defending Western civilization against perceived threats like moral relativism, multiculturalism, and postmodern criticism of traditional culture. Liberty is a fundamental principle that focuses on enhancing the free market, and resisting high taxes and government or labor union interference with entrepreneurs.
Historians contend that the conservative tradition has significantly influenced American politics and society since the American Revolution. They emphasized that an organized conservative movement has been significant in politics starting from the 1950s. The modern movement originates from the Republican Party, although prior to 1965, during the era of segregation, many Southern Democrats were also conservative. Southern Congressmen played a crucial role in a Conservative Coalition that prevented liberal labor laws in Congress from 1937 until 1963. However, they typically aligned with the Democratic Party on other economic matters despite their liberal tendencies. Southern Democrats defended segregation by claiming that only they could uphold it, as the Republican Party nationally supported integration. The reasoning became invalid after Congress prohibited segregation in 1964. Republicans capitalized on the chance to attract conservative Southerners by positioning themselves as the more conservative party on several social and economic matters, and as proponents of a strong foreign policy when antiwar sentiments grew within the Democratic party. Southern white conservatives shifted their political allegiance from the Democratic Party to the GOP during the 1960s at the presidential level, and after 1990 at the state and municipal levels.
American conservatism's history is characterized by tensions and conflicting beliefs. Fiscal conservatives and libertarians support little government intervention, reduced taxes, restrained regulation, and open competition in the market. Social conservatives believe that traditional social values are at risk due to secularism. They typically endorse school prayer, the instruction of intelligent design or creationism, and the Second Amendment rights of individuals to possess firearms. They also tend to be against abortion rights and same-sex marriage. Neoconservatives aim to promote American ideas globally. Pale conservatives support limitations on immigration, a non-interventionist foreign policy, and are against multiculturalism. Most factions nationwide, with the exception of certain libertarians, endorse a unilateral foreign policy and a robust military. The conservative movement of the 1950s aimed to unite different factions by emphasizing the importance of unity to counteract the expansion of "godless communism."

In the inaugural edition of National Review in 1955, William F. Buckley Jr. outlined the principles and values of his magazine, elucidating the ideologies of American conservatives.
One of our beliefs:
During times of peace, the primary responsibility of a centralized government is to safeguard the lives, freedom, and possessions of its inhabitants. Most government activities tend to reduce freedom and impede growth. We must vigorously combat the expansion of government, which has been the predominant social characteristic of this century. We unequivocally support the libertarian side in this significant social debate of the day. The current dilemma is the clash between Social Engineers aiming to shape humanity to fit scientific utopias and Truth advocates defending the natural moral order. We think that truth is not discovered or clarified by observing election outcomes, which are important for other reasons, but by alternative methods such as examining human experiences. We unequivocally align with conservative views on this matter.
In America, the concept of "conservatism" differs significantly from its usage in other regions. Ribuffo (2011) points out that what Americans label as conservatism is often referred to as liberalism or neoliberalism in other parts of the world. Gross et al. (2011) argue against the idea that conservatism has a fixed or stable essence or is an unchanging category of belief or practice. They suggest a historical perspective that examines how specific meanings are identified as conservative within a particular sociohistorical context, by both self-identified conservatives and their political adversaries. Conservatism is most accurately defined as a social identity that develops via conflicts and partnerships regarding political significance.
Current policies
President Ronald Reagan established the conservative benchmark in the 1980s, and in the 2010s, Republican leaders usually profess loyalty to it. In 2012, many Republican candidates asserted that they were upholding Reagan's ideological legacy, which included tax cuts, a significant boost in military spending, ongoing deregulation, a policy of rolling back Communism, and emphasis on family values and conservative ethics. The period following the 1980s is commonly referred to as the "Reagan Era." In the 21st century, conservative politicians and advocates often express their commitment to Reagan's principles and strategies across various social, economic, and foreign policy matters.
Modern conservatives also oppose the idea of a world government and question the credibility of environmental dangers like global warming. They advocate for a strict law enforcement policy to combat crime, which includes imposing lengthy prison sentences on individuals who commit several offenses. The "law and order" concern significantly undermined liberalism in the 1960s. Between 2001 to 2008, Republican President George W. Bush emphasized reducing taxes and limiting industrial and banking regulations, while enhancing regulations in education. Conservatives typically support use American military force to combat terrorists and advance democracy in the Middle East.
In a 2014 poll, 38% of American voters identified as "conservative" or "very conservative," 34% as "moderate," and 24% as "liberal" or "very liberal." The percentages were very stable from 1990 to 2009, with conservatism experiencing a temporary surge in popularity before returning to the initial trend, while liberal perspectives on social issues reached a peak. The study demonstrates differences in the concentration of moderates, conservatives, and liberals between the Republican and Democratic parties. 44% of Democrats identify as liberals, 19% as conservatives, and 36% as moderates. Among Republicans, 70% identified as conservative, 24% as moderate, and 5% as liberal.
Conservatism seems to be gaining momentum in state politics. The trend is especially prominent among individuals in states with lower socioeconomic status, education levels, and economic stability.
Conservatives typically hold the view that government intervention is not effective in addressing societal issues like poverty and inequality. Some argue that government programs aimed at assisting the poor may foster reliance and diminish self-sufficiency. Most conservatives are against affirmative action laws, which provide preferential benefits to members of specific groups in employment, education, and other sectors. Conservatives advocate against government favoritism based on group identity.
Conservatives generally believe that the government should have limited involvement in regulating business and overseeing the economy. They generally resist attempts to implement high tax rates and redistribute income to help the less fortunate. They contend that such endeavors fail to adequately compensate individuals who have acquired their wealth via diligent labor. Social conservatives prioritize the importance of private voluntary charitable groups, particularly faith-based charities, in assisting the disadvantaged.
Conservatives prioritize order and security, leading them to support a limited yet robust government involvement in law enforcement and national defense.
Historical account
The United States has never had a national political party known as the Conservative Party. All major American political parties endorse republicanism and the liberal principles established in 1776, focusing on liberty, the pursuit of happiness, the rule of law, resistance to aristocracy and corruption, and a commitment to equal rights. Political differences in the United States may appear insignificant to Europeans, but the separation between the Left and the Right has historically resulted in violent polarization, beginning with the French Revolution.
Historian Patrick Allitt notes that in American history, there has been a consistent conservative attitude of relying on established traditions and being cautious of new ideas.
Since 1776, no American political party has been established with a platform supporting European conservative ideas like monarchy, established church, or hereditary nobility. American conservatism can be defined as a response to idealistic notions of advancement. Russell Kirk viewed the American Revolution as a conservative response within the English political tradition to royal changes.
Revolutionary War in America
During the American Revolution, the colonists living under British rule had a government that was considered the most liberal in Europe. Despite facing minimal taxation, the founding fathers sought independence from Great Britain to safeguard their historical rights.
Wealthy businessmen engaged in global trade, royal officials, and those benefiting from patronage had strong connections with the British Empire. Referred to as "Loyalists" or Tories, many of these men opposed the American Revolution and stayed loyal to the Crown during the conflict. The Loyalists embodied remnants of European conservatism in the American Colonies, aiming to maintain the existing Empire structure amidst revolutionary transformation. Their leaders were affluent individuals who valued order, esteemed those of higher status, held a condescending attitude towards those of lower status, and were more apprehensive of domestic mob rule than being governed by a faraway king. When faced with the decision to uphold their traditional American rights or stay faithful to the King, they opted for the King and the Empire. Approximately 70,000 Loyalists departed the newly formed United States during the Revolutionary War, with the majority seeking refuge in Canada, where they are recognized as United Empire Loyalists.
The patriots in the Revolution sought to uphold historic English rights, particularly the principle of "no taxation without representation," and resisted Parliament's efforts to tax and regulate the rapidly expanding colonies. In 1773, the British placed severe sanctions on the Massachusetts colony following the Boston Tea Party. Patriots, identifying themselves as such, coordinated opposition on a colony-by-colony basis through groups like the Sons of Liberty. In the spring of 1775, conflict erupted, leading all Thirteen Colonies to openly rebel against the monarchy. In July 1776, the Second Continental Congress declared independence from the United Kingdom and established itself as the effective national government advocating for the values of Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness. The patriots agreed on the principles of republicanism, which placed the authority of the people in a national legislative rather than a monarch.
Labaree (1948) outlined eight traits of the Loyalists that fueled their conservative resistance to independence. Loyalists tended to be older than Patriots, more entrenched in society, opposed to change, viewed resistance against the Crown as morally unjust, and became more estranged from the Patriot movement when it turned to violent methods like burning homes and subjecting royal officials to tarring and feathering. Loyalists sought a moderate stance and were upset when compelled by the Patriots to express their dissent. They had a deep emotional connection to Britain, typically due to economic and familial connections, and were procrastinators who acknowledged that independence was likely unavoidable but preferred to delay it as much as they could. Many loyalists were also very wary and fearful of the possibility of chaos or tyranny resulting from crowd rule. Loyalists were pessimistic individuals who did not share the Patriots' trust in the future of an independent United States. After the Revolution, over 80% of the Loyalists stayed in the colonies and embraced republican ideals, while the more conservative loyalists relocated to other regions of the British Empire, with many settling in Canada. The Patriots' triumph solidified their innovative beliefs as fundamental American political values embraced by all factions in the recently constituted United States. Modern American Conservatives frequently associate themselves with the Patriots of the 1770s, as seen in 2009 by the Tea Party movement, which was named after the Tea Party of 1773. Its members frequently wear attire reminiscent of the Founding Fathers.
The American Revolution significantly disrupted the established networks of conservative elites in the colonies. The exodus of numerous royal officials, wealthy merchants, and landowning elite dismantled the hierarchical networks that once controlled politics and influence in several colonies. In New York, the loss of important individuals from the DeLancy, DePester Walton, and Cruger families weakened the interconnected families that predominantly owned and managed the Hudson Valley. In Pennsylvania, the departure of influential families like the Penns, Allens, Chews, and Shippens disrupted the unity of the traditional upper class. Emerging individuals prospered as successful merchants, upholding a sense of egalitarianism that supplanted the previous elitist attitudes; the revolution thwarted the emergence of a significantly influential upper class in American culture. In 1779, a wealthy patriot in Boston observed that individuals who used to shine his shoes had now accumulated wealth and were traveling in chariots. Four out of five Loyalists chose to stay in America and stayed loyal to the new republic. Primarily, they steered clear of politics and never attempted to establish a revanchist movement aiming to restore the Empire. Samuel Seabury, a loyalist, transitioned from politics to become the first Episcopalian bishop in the United States. He reconstructed a church that attracted families that valued hierarchy, history, and historic liturgy but no longer supported the king.
Federalists
After the Revolution, the Federalist Party, led by Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton, utilized George Washington's presidency to advocate for a powerful nation that could compete globally, maintain a strong military to quell domestic uprisings like the Whiskey Rebellion, and establish a national bank to bolster financial and commercial sectors. Federalists were intellectually committed to liberty but also held deeply conservative attitudes that were in harmony with the American spirit. Samuel Eliot Morison stated that they felt liberty and union are interconnected, that individuals are inherently unequal, that the voice of the people is rarely the voice of God, and that external forces were working to weaken American integrity. Historian Patrick Allitt states that Federalists advocated several conservative stances, including as upholding the rule of law as outlined in the Constitution, supporting republican government, advocating for peaceful change through elections, emphasizing judicial supremacy, maintaining stable national finances, engaging in credible and active diplomacy, and safeguarding wealth.
The Federalists were primarily composed of businessmen and merchants in urban centers who endorsed Alexander Hamilton's progressive financial policies aimed at modernizing and urbanizing the country. The policies involved funding the national debt, assuming state debts from the Revolutionary War to help states lower taxes and pay debts, establishing a national Bank of the United States, supporting manufacturing and industrial growth, and using tariffs to finance the Treasury. The Federalists were against the French Revolution in matters of international affairs. During John Adams' presidency, the United States engaged in the "Quasi War," an undeclared naval conflict with France in 1798-1799, while also strengthening its army and navy. The ideological disagreement between Jeffersonian Republicans and Federalists arose from a divergence in principle and style. The Federalists were skeptical of the people, believed in elite leadership, and prioritized national authority over state authority in terms of style. Republicans were wary of Britain, bankers, merchants, and opposed a strong central government. The Federalists, particularly Hamilton, were suspicious of "the people," the French, and the Republicans.
Jeffersonian Republicans or Democratic-Republicans
Jeffersonian democracy emerged in the 1790s as a reaction to the Federalist Party's perceived alignment with British monarchism, which was seen as a threat to the fledgling republic. The opposing party choose the title "Republican Party". Historians often call them "Jeffersonian Republicans," while political scientists typically use the term "Democratic-Republican Party" to differentiate them from the present-day Republican Party. Although "Jeffersonian Democracy" remained a part of the Democratic Party until the early 20th century, with figures like William Jennings Bryan (1860-1925) embodying its principles, its influence can still be seen in the 21st century. Jeffersonians were against increasing the power of the federal government and the emergence of an interventionist judiciary, a worry that was also echoed by conservatives in the 20th century. The subsequent four presidents belonged to the Democratic-Republican party.
Whigs
The Whig Party became the predominant conservative party on a national level by the 1830s. Whigs backed the national bank, private commercial interests, and economic modernization in contrast to Jacksonian democracy, which favored the interests of impoverished farmers and the urban working class, represented by the newly established Democratic Party. The term "Whig" was selected since it had been employed by patriots throughout the Revolution. Daniel Webster and other Whig leaders labeled their new political party as the "conservative party" and advocated for a revival of tradition, restraint, hierarchy, and moderation.
Ultimately, the nation combined the Federalist and Whig positions, embracing representative democracy and a powerful nation-state. By the 1820s, American politics had embraced the two-party system, in which competing parties present their platforms to the voters, and the victor gains control of the government. Over time, the Federalists lost popularity among the general public and were inadequate in party organization, causing them to gradually decline in strength. After 1816, the Federalists had little significant impact on a national level except for John Marshall's Supreme Court. They maintained local support until the 1820s, but key leaders abandoned their declining movement, such as future presidents John Quincy Adams and James Buchanan, and future Chief Justice Roger B. Taney.
John Randolph of Roanoke led the group known as the "Old Republicans," distinct from the later Republican Party. They declined to establish a partnership with the Federalists. They established a distinct opposing group headed by James Madison, Albert Gallatin, James Monroe, John C. Calhoun, and Henry Clay. They embraced Federalist values by establishing the Second Bank of the United States, advocating for internal transportation improvements, implementing tariffs to safeguard industry, and strengthening the army and navy following the setbacks of the War of 1812.
Civil War in the United States
Abraham Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln was the inaugural president chosen by the recently established Republican Party, and he remains a revered symbol for American politicians across party lines. Historian Striner argues that attempting to categorize Lincoln as either conservative or liberal is futile. He suggests that Lincoln embodied aspects of both ideologies, which ultimately contributed to a tradition of centrism.
Historian David Hackett Fischer emphasizes Lincoln's conservative beliefs. During the 1850s, Lincoln was a successful corporate lawyer and a long-time member of the conservative Whig party. He advocated for economic interests, particularly in banks, canals, railroads, and factories.
Lincoln directly appealed to conservatives before the Civil War began. In 1859, he clarified conservatism as loyalty to the original intentions of the Founding Fathers.
The primary goal of the Republican party is fundamentally conservative. It aims to return the government to its original stance on slavery and uphold it without seeking any additional changes beyond what the original framers of the Government anticipated.
Lincoln expanded on his stance in the renowned Cooper Union speech in New York in early 1860, asserting that the Founding Fathers anticipated slavery fading away on its own, rather than expanding. He argued that the Founding Fathers opposed slavery and that the belief in its benefits was a radical departure from American principles. This speech strengthened Lincoln's support within the Republican party and played a key role in securing his nomination.
During the war, Lincoln led the moderate Republicans in opposition to the Radical Republicans regarding slavery and the reintegration of the South. He formed a strong coalition of conservative and moderate Republicans, along with War Democrats, to resist the Radicals' attempts to prevent his renomination in 1864. Lincoln aimed to swiftly reintegrate the white South into the nation by offering lenient peace terms, promoting unity without malice or bias. However, after Lincoln's assassination, the Radicals gained power and enforced stricter terms than Lincoln had intended.
James Randall views Lincoln as embodying 19th-century liberal beliefs, highlighting his tolerance, moderation, and preference for orderly progress. Randall characterizes Lincoln as conservative due to his avoidance of radicalism, which included abuse of the South, hatred for slaveholders, and partisan plotting. David Greenstone argues that Lincoln's beliefs were rooted in reform liberalism but also had conservative elements due to his unionism and Whiggish politics.
Conservatism in the southern region
After the Civil War, "conservative" referred to those who opposed the Radical Republicans' efforts to grant full citizenship rights to freed slaves and diminish the political influence of ex-Confederates. Conservative White Southerners believed that Northern reformers' attempts to empower freed slaves infringed upon the rights of white men. They often accused Carpetbaggers, who supported freed slaves, of corruption. The race-based conservatism in the American South contrasted with the business-based conservatism in the North by strongly advocating for white supremacy and advocating for a second-class, powerless status for blacks, regardless of the Constitution. In the 1950s, Southern conservatives incorporated anti-communism into their platform, viewing it as the driving force behind the civil rights movement and the push for integration.
There was a liberal faction in the South that supported Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt, but they did not typically oppose Jim Crow laws. From 1877 to 1960, the "Solid South" consistently voted for Democratic Party candidates in national elections, with Democrats holding strong control over state and local governments in all southern states. By the late 1930s, conservative Southern Democrats in Congress collaborated with most Northern Republicans in an informal Conservative Coalition, which often blocked liberal domestic legislation until 1964. In the late 1960s, due to the Southern strategy of the Republican party, white southern conservatives shifted their allegiance from the Democratic party to the Republican party, creating a dominant block of social conservatives in the Republican party. Despite this, Southerners generally held more internationalist views compared to the mostly isolationist Northern Republicans in the Coalition.
Southern Baptists, known for their fundamentalist beliefs, played a significant role in Southern conservative politics from the late 1970s. Despite this, they chose to support Reagan in the 1980 election instead of fellow Southern Baptist Jimmy Carter.
Gilded Age
During the "Gilded Age," the North and West were characterized by rapid business expansion in manufacturing, mining, railroads, and banking, with a focus on progress rather than nostalgia. The era saw a significant increase in new farms in the prairie states and record levels of immigration. The period was marked by the opulence of the American upper class and the emergence of American philanthropy, as exemplified by Andrew Carnegie's concept of the "Gospel of Wealth," which used private funds to support various educational, cultural, and charitable institutions.
In the 20th Century, conservatives retrospectively labeled supporters of unregulated capitalism during the Gilded Age as "conservative." Oswald Garrison Villard, in 1939, described his former mentor Horace White (1834-1916) as a "great economic conservative." Villard suggested that had White witnessed the financial policies of the New Deal era, he would likely have strongly objected and promptly passed away.
The conservative faction of the Democratic party, led by the Bourbon Democrats and President Grover Cleveland, opposed high tariffs and supported the gold system. In 1896, the Bourbons were ousted inside the Democratic Party by William Jennings Bryan and the agrarians, who advocated for "Free Silver" and resisted the influence that banks and railroads held over American farmers. The agrarians allied with the Populists to strongly criticize the influence of large corporations in politics, particularly during the significant 1896 election, which was won by Republican William McKinley. McKinley was reelected in 1900, defeating Bryan once again.
During this era, religious conservatives supported a robust media network, primarily through magazines closely linked to the Protestant churches that were growing fast as a result of the Third Great Awakening. Catholics had limited periodical publications but were against agrarianism in politics. They founded numerous institutions and universities to advance their conservative religious and social principles.
Contemporary conservatives frequently refer to William Graham Sumner (1840-1910), a prominent public figure of his time, as an advocate for free markets, anti-imperialism, and the gold standard. He opposed perceived threats to the middle class from wealthy plutocrats above and agrarians and uneducated masses below.
The Gilded Age concluded with the Panic of 1893 and the subsequent widespread downturn lasting from 1893 to 1897.
1900s
In the election of 1896, the Republicans, under William McKinley, shifted to focus on business, stable currency, and strong foreign policy. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party, led by William Jennings Bryan, began representing workers, small farmers, advocates of "Free Silver", Populists, and later, anti-imperialists. Bryan was well-liked by religious fundamentalists and white nationalists.
By the end of the 19th century, the United States emerged as an imperial force, acquiring overseas territories in Hawaii, the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and gaining authority over Cuba. Imperialism prevailed in the 1900 election, confirming McKinley's policies and the United States' control over Hawaii, Puerto Rico, Guam, the Philippines, and temporarily Cuba. Theodore Roosevelt advocated for the military and naval superiority of the United States, and reiterated McKinley's belief that America was obligated to civilize and modernize non-Christian societies. By around 1908, the perceived benefits of having an empire in terms of business, religion, and military turned out to be misleading. The most enthusiastic imperialists, such as Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and Elihu Root, shifted their focus to strengthening the army and navy domestically and constructing the Panama Canal. In 1920, they abandoned the idea of further development and reached an agreement that the Philippines should gain independence.
Progressive era
During the early 20th century, prominent Republican advocates for large corporations in Congress were Speaker of the House Joe Cannon and Senate Republican Leader Nelson Aldrich of Rhode Island. Aldrich proposed the Sixteenth Amendment to enable the federal government to levy an income tax and initiated the establishment of the Federal Reserve System, which was established in 1913. Pro-business conservatives backed numerous Progressive Era reforms, particularly those aimed at combating corruption and inefficiency in government, and advocated for the cleansing of politics. Senator John Sherman, a conservative, introduced the country's fundamental anti-trust legislation in 1890. Conservatives often backed anti-trust measures to combat monopolies and promote small business growth. Conservatives were divided on the topics of prohibition and woman suffrage.
The "insurgents" were aligned with the Left faction of the Republican Party. Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin, George W. Norris of Nebraska, and Hiram Johnson of California led a faction that engaged in intense conflicts with conservative members, resulting in a division within the GOP and enabling the Democratic Party to gain control of Congress in 1910. Teddy Roosevelt, known for his aggressive stance on foreign and military matters, shifted towards more progressive views on domestic topics such as courts, unions, railroads, big business, labor unions, and the welfare state. In 1910, Roosevelt had a strong disagreement with Taft and the conservative faction of the GOP. In 1911-1912, he assumed leadership of the rebellion, established a new political party, and unsuccessfully ran for president as a Progressive Party candidate in 1912. President William Howard Taft led the conservatives in the Republican party after his departure, making them dominant until 1936. The gap in 1912 allowed Democratic candidate Woodrow Wilson to win the presidency with just 42% of the vote.
The Great War commenced in 1914, and Wilson declared neutrality. Theodore Roosevelt criticized President Wilson's foreign policy, stating that if it weren't for Wilson's lack of courage, the war would have ended by the summer of 1916. Roosevelt considered Wilson's foreign policy to be morally wrong. Roosevelt left the Progressive Party and actively supported Republican candidate Charles Hughes. Despite this, Wilson's neutral stance helped him win a close victory in the 1916 election. The Republican Party, led by conservatives, regained control of Congress in 1918 and won the presidency in 1920.
Republicans regained power in 1920 with the election of President Warren G. Harding, who promised a return to normalcy. According to Tucker (2010), the 1924 election was a peak of American conservatism, with both major candidates advocating for limited government, lower taxes, and reduced regulation. The opposition was divided between Progressive party candidate Robert La Follette, who received 17% of the vote, and Democrat John W. Davis, who got 29%, allowing Calvin Coolidge to easily win reelection. During Coolidge's presidency (1923-1929), the economy thrived, and society became more stable. New policies aimed to assimilate immigrants already in the United States and restrict the entry of new immigrants.
James M. Beck, a prominent figure from the 1900-1930 era, served as a lawyer for Presidents Roosevelt, Harding, and Coolidge, and as a congressman from 1927 to 1933. He advocated for conservative ideals such as nationalism, individualism, constitutionalism, laissez-faire economics, property rights, and opposition to reform. Beck and other conservatives believed in regulating unethical practices in the corporate sector to safeguard corporate capitalism from radical influences. They were wary of Roosevelt's anti-business and pro-union policies post-1905, which led them to question the idea of a national authority favoring large corporations. Instead, they prioritized legal principles, constitutional concerns, and respect for American history.
Anti-Communism
Following the Bolshevik Revolution and the establishment of the USSR, both major American political parties strongly opposed Communism. In the 1920s, a faction of the far Left in the U.S. split, leading to the formation of the American Communist Party. Conservatives viewed Communist ideals as a threat to American values and maintained staunch opposition to Communist principles until the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991. They were particularly concerned about Communist influences in U.S. government, media, and academia. Conservatives actively supported anti-Communist organizations like the FBI, backed Congressional investigations in the 1940s and 1950s, notably those led by Richard Nixon and Joe McCarthy, and were cautious of former Communists who exposed the system, such as Whittaker Chambers.
Authors and scholars
Irving Babbitt's Democracy and Leadership (1924) exemplifies classic conservative literature from that era. The Efficiency Movement, appealing to Progressive Republicans like as Herbert Hoover, advocated a pro-business, quasi-engineering strategy for addressing social and economic issues.
Many prominent writers in the 1900-1950 period expressed concerns about the potential dangers to Western Civilization posed by unchecked scientific progress. Figures such as Henry Adams, T. S. Eliot, Allen Tate, Andrew Lytle, and Donald Davidson believed that this rapid advancement could erode traditional Western values and ultimately result in the downfall of society. They sought to defend these values against the threat of moral nihilism rooted in historical and scientific relativism.
After 1930, conservatism emerged as an intellectual movement in the South, with figures like Flannery O'Connor and the Southern Agrarians emphasizing traditionalism and hierarchy.
Several ex-Communist or Trotskyite authors renounced their leftist beliefs in the 1930s or 1940s and adopted conservatism, joining National Review as writers in the 1950s. This group included Max Eastman (1883-1969), John Dos Passos (1896-1970), Whittaker Chambers (1901-1961), Will Herberg (1901-1977), and James Burnham (1905-1987).
Many niche journals targeting academics advocated for conservative ideals during the 20th century.
Periodicals
Prominent newspapers in urban areas with conservative editorial stances have significantly influenced the growth of American conservatism. During the 1930-1960 period, the Hearst chain, the McCormick family newspapers (particularly the Chicago Tribune), and the Los Angeles Times advocated for conservative beliefs, as did the Henry Luce publications, Time and Fortune. However, in recent times, these media outlets have shifted away from their conservative positions.
In 1936, the majority of publishers supported Republican Alf Landon over Democratic liberal Franklin Roosevelt. Newspapers endorsing Landon in the nation's 15 largest cities held 70% of the circulation, yet Roosevelt secured 69% of the votes in those cities. Roosevelt's effective communication strategy included utilizing radio, particularly through his Fireside Chats, which inspired young radio broadcaster Ronald Reagan, who was a fervent supporter of the New Deal at that time. Despite this, newspaper publishers still tend to support conservative Republicans.
Since the 1930s, The Wall Street Journal has been a prominent conservative publication, a stance that continued after Rupert Murdoch acquired it in 2007. Editors Vermont C. Royster (1958-1971) and Robert L. Bartley (1972-2000) were particularly influential in presenting a conservative viewpoint in the daily news.
The Great Depression that ensued after the stock market crash of 1929 resulted in price deflation, widespread unemployment, declining farm incomes, investment setbacks, bank closures, business insolvencies, and decreased government income. Herbert Hoover's protectionist economic strategies were unsuccessful in stopping the depression. In the 1932 presidential election, Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt won by a large margin.
Initially, Roosevelt's New Deal garnered support from conservatives, but by 1934, opposition began to form. Conservative Democrats, such as John W. Davis and Al Smith, organized business leaders into the American Liberty League. The Old Right, a group of conservative free-market anti-interventionists, also opposed the New Deal, accusing Roosevelt of promoting socialism. By 1935, the New Deal's strong support for labor unions made them a primary target for conservatives.
In 1937, following his significant victory in the 1936 election that greatly weakened the GOP in Congress, President Roosevelt surprised the nation by proposing to expand the Supreme Court by adding six more justices to counter the decisions that were overturning New Deal laws. Vice President John Nance Garner collaborated with congressional supporters to oppose Roosevelt's plan. Several individuals who opposed Roosevelt on the Court matter were former Progressives like Senator Burton K. Wheeler of Montana and Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes, who worked behind the scenes.
Roosevelt faced defeat in the Court initiative and retaliated by focusing on his adversaries in the 1938 Democratic primaries. The country was experiencing a severe economic downturn, with labor strikes causing unions to become a contentious issue. Despite his efforts, only one Congressman supported Roosevelt's "purge" as the majority resisted. Resistance to Roosevelt among Southern Congressmen increased twofold.
International relations strategy
The conservative coalition, led by Senator Taft, was not focused on foreign policy. Taft, a key Republican conservative, unsuccessfully ran for the Republican nomination in 1940, 1948, and 1952. He was an isolationist who opposed American involvement in NATO (1949) and the Korean War (1950) against Communism.
In 1939-41, conservatives in the Midwest were in favor of isolationism and against the US joining World War II, a sentiment shared by many liberals. Conversely, conservatives in the East and South tended to support interventionism, exemplified by figures like Henry Stimson. The attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 led to a unified American effort in the war, prompting conservative members of Congress to seize the moment and shut down several New Deal agencies, including the WPA.
Portrait of Jefferson
During the New Deal period in the 1930s, there was a dispute over Jefferson's legacy. Franklin D. Roosevelt, a great admirer of Jefferson, had the Jefferson Memorial constructed to honor him. On the other hand, conservative groups like the American Liberty League and the Republican Party shifted their views to align with Jefferson's small-government ideology in opposition to Roosevelt's New Deal policies.
Contemporary Conservative
The modern conservative political movement, combining elements from both traditional conservatism and libertarianism, emerged following World War II, but had its immediate political roots in reaction to the New Deal. Those two branches of conservatism allied the post WWI anti-communism thought. They defended a system in which the state should have a limited role to play in individual affairs. Their conceptions of conservatism, though differing slightly from one another, shared an inclination towards the elevation of a universal moral code within society. In the early 1950s, Dr. Russell Kirk defined the boundaries and resting grounds of conservatism. In his book, "The Conservative Mind", Dr. Kirk wrote six "truisms" that became major concepts for conservatism philosophy. Another important name in the domain of U.S conservatism is James Burnham. Mr. Burnham, philosopher in training but remembered for his political life, unsettled some foundations of conservatism when he, fervent opponent of liberalism, took position in favor of the Conscription.
In the book Rebels All, the writers aimed to outline the primary objectives of Post-War conservatism in the United States, suggesting that conservatism should involve preserving norms, promoting civility, and disapproving of rebellion.Reflecting on its evolution from post-WWII to the present day, conservatism demonstrates the ability to uphold diverse beliefs like free-market libertarianism and religious traditionalism, while also embracing anti-communist ideals. Modern Conservatism, a multifaceted concept, originates from the ideas of post-WWII intellectuals and philosophers who, despite differing views on achieving common objectives such as civility and social order, highlight the subjective nature of this political ideology.
In 1946, conservative Republicans gained control of Congress and initiated inquiries into communist infiltration of the federal government during Roosevelt's administration. Congressman Richard Nixon alleged that Alger Hiss, a high-ranking State Department official, was a Soviet spy. Hiss was found guilty of perjury based on the testimony of Whittaker Chambers, a former Communist turned prominent anti-Communist figure and admired by conservatives.
President Harry Truman (1945-53) implemented a containment strategy to counter Joseph Stalin's Communist expansion in Europe. Truman's key policy actions included the Truman Doctrine (1947), the Marshall Plan (1948), and NATO (1949). While most conservatives supported Truman's Cold War policies, isolationists did not. The far left, consisting of Communist Party members and sympathizers, advocated for continuing détente with Russia under FDR's vice president Henry Wallace in 1948. However, this effort failed to gain widespread support and weakened the far left within the Democratic party. Despite being reelected, Truman's "Fair Deal" initiative did not progress due to the Conservative Coalition's influence on domestic policy in Congress. The Coalition did not have a significant role in foreign affairs.
In 1947, the Conservative Coalition in Congress enacted the Taft-Hartley Act to address the balance of power between management and unions, while also discrediting Communist union leaders. Liberals like Walter Reuther of the autoworkers union and Ronald Reagan of the Screen Actors Guild played a significant role in removing Communists from labor unions and the Democratic party. Reagan was affiliated with the Democratic party as a liberal during that period.
Noah M. Mason, a Republican Congressman from Illinois, served from 1937 to 1962. He strongly advocated for states' rights to limit federal involvement and opposed federal business regulations. Mason criticized high federal spending and labeled some New Dealers as socialists, comparing their policies to fascism. He was a member of the House Un-American Activities Committee from 1938 to 1943 and supported Joe McCarthy's investigations in 1950.
In 1950, Lionel Trilling stated that conservatism had been defeated in the realm of ideas, asserting that liberalism was the prevailing and exclusive intellectual tradition in the United States. Currently, there are no conservative or reactionary ideas commonly accepted. The conservative and reactionary tendencies are mostly shown through actions or gestures rather than articulated ideas.
In 1950, when North Korean Communists invaded South Korea, Truman implemented a rollback policy with the intention of liberating the entire country through military force. Truman chose not to seek Congressional permission for his military actions and instead relied on UN authorization, allowing Republicans to criticize his war strategies. Taft saw Truman's move as a total seizure of power by the president. Truman's dependence on the UN further fueled conservative skepticism against the organization. The Chinese Communists joined the battle when the Allies were close to winning and pushed them back through intense warfare in extremely cold conditions. Truman changed his stance, abandoned the rollback program, dismissed General Douglas MacArthur, a conservative figure who supported rollback, and opted for containment instead. Truman's acquiescence to the existing state of affairs resulted in the deaths of 37,000 Americans and weakened his support base. Truman performed inadequately in the initial 1952 primaries and was had to withdraw his candidacy for reelection. The Democratic Party selected Illinois Governor Adlai Stevenson II, a liberal and intellectual candidate without connections to Roosevelt or Truman.
During a period of heightened fear over Communism in Korea and China, Senator Joe McCarthy of Wisconsin initiated prominent inquiries into the concealment of spies within the government. McCarthy employed reckless strategies that enabled his adversaries to counterattack successfully. Irish Catholics, such as Buckley and the Kennedy Family, were fervently opposed to Communism and supported McCarthy, who was himself Irish Catholic. Joseph Kennedy, a prominent conservative Democrat, strongly supported McCarthy and helped secure a job for his son Robert F. Kennedy with McCarthy. McCarthy referred to a period of "twenty years of treason" starting from Roosevelt's election in 1932. In 1953, when he began accusing the Army of promoting a Communist dentist and referred to "21 years of treason," his behavior became too dangerous for Eisenhower. Consequently, Eisenhower urged Republicans to officially rebuke McCarthy in 1954. The Senator's influence diminished suddenly. Senator John F. Kennedy abstained from voting for censure.
Arthur Herman asserts that McCarthy held greater significance for American liberals than for conservatives. McCarthy identified the liberal opposition and portrayed liberals as the blameless targets. Conservatives have not backed McCarthy's aggressive methods but have instead presented new evidence from Soviet archives like the Venona project. They contend that the Left during that period was not entirely innocent and that some Leftists were concealing networks of Communist spies.
Isolationism had debilitated the Old Right, seen in General Dwight D. Eisenhower's victory over Senator Robert A. Taft for the GOP nomination in 1952. Eisenhower won the 1952 election by criticizing Truman's handling of Korea, Communism, and Corruption. He promptly ended the Korean War, implemented a conservative fiscal policy, and worked closely with Taft, who was the Senate Majority Leader. As president, Eisenhower advocated for "Modern Republicanism," which focused on small government, balanced budgets, and reducing government spending. Eisenhower took a strong anti-Communist stance but reduced defense budget by transitioning the national strategy from costly army divisions to more affordable nuclear weapons. He attempted to remove costly subsidies for farm prices but was unsuccessful. He also managed to decrease the federal government's involvement by transferring offshore oil deposits back to the states. Eisenhower maintained the regulatory and welfare systems established by the New Deal, although Republicans claimed responsibility for the growth of Social Security. Eisenhower aimed to reduce friction between economic and racial groupings in order to achieve societal harmony, peace, and prosperity. He won the 1956 election by a large margin.
Writers posed the most significant challenge to liberalism when Republicans in Washington were making adjustments to the New Deal. Russell Kirk (1918-1994) argued both classical and contemporary liberalism focused excessively on economic matters and neglected to consider the spiritual aspect of human nature. He advocated for a strategic approach to establish a conservative political organization. He stated that conservative leaders should target farmers, small towns, churches, and other groups. This demographic is akin to the primary supporters of the British Conservative Party.
Kirk strongly disagreed with libertarian views, viewing them as a danger to authentic conservatism. In "Libertarians: the Chirping Sectaries," Kirk stated that the one commonality between libertarians and conservatives is their strong dislike for collectivism. Conservatives and libertarians share no shared beliefs and are unlikely to do so in the future.
William F. Buckley and the National Review
William F. Buckley, Jr. (1925-2008) was the most influential advocate and promoter of conservative ideologies. He founded National Review in 1955 and was well-known as a prolific writer and prominent figure in the media. The National Review stood out among other small circulation publications on the right due to its outstanding editing and a consistent group of regular authors, which led to national recognition and influence on the conservative movement. Buckley was erudite, humorous, and tireless, which sparked a renewed enthusiasm.
Buckley gathered a diverse mix of writers including traditionalists, Catholic academics, libertarians, and ex-Communists. The individuals mentioned were Russell Kirk, James Burnham, Frank Meyer, Willmoore Kendall, L. Brent Bozell, and Whittaker Chambers. In the magazine's founding statement, Buckley wrote:
Starting a conservative weekly magazine in a country known for its conservatism may seem unnecessary, akin to creating a royalist publication within Buckingham Palace. National Review is considered unnecessary for distinct reasons: it opposes the flow of history and calls for a halt when no one else is willing to do so or tolerate those who advocate for it.
Milton Friedman and libertarian economics
Austrian economist F. In 1944, A. Hayek (1899-1992) energized critics of the New Deal by asserting that the left in Britain was guiding the nation towards "serfdom."
The Chicago school of economics, spearheaded by Milton Friedman and George J. Stigler, promoted neoclassical and monetarist public policy, exerting significant influence. The Chicago School offered a strong critique of regulation, arguing that it resulted in the regulated businesses gaining influence over the regulations. Government oversight of industry and finance has significantly reduced since 1974. The School criticized Keynesian economics, the prevailing economic theory, which Friedman argued was founded on flawed models. The 1970s "stagflation," characterized by high inflation and severe unemployment, contradicted Keynesian predictions but was accurately forecasted by Friedman, enhancing the credibility of his approach among specialists.
Ebenstein contends that by the late 1960s, Friedman had become the most renowned conservative public intellectual in the United States and maybe worldwide. Friedman promoted increased dependence on the markets through lectures, weekly columns, books, and television appearances. Americans should have the freedom to make choices. He persuaded numerous conservatives that the draft was ineffective and unjust; Nixon terminated it in 1973. Nine economists from the Chicago School were awarded Nobel Prizes for their theories on deregulation, which gained widespread acceptance. Friedman's theory of "monetarism" has not been as successful, as contemporary monetary policy focuses on controlling inflation rather than regulating the money supply. Ben Bernanke, an academic economist, expanded on Friedman's reasoning by asserting that the banking crises of the early 1930s exacerbated and lengthened the downturn. Bernanke, as Chairman of the Federal Reserve, responded energetically to the 2008 financial crisis, drawing on Friedman's cautions over the Fed's lack of action following the events of 1929.
John Birch Society
Robert W. Welch Jr. established the John Birch Society in 1958 as a hierarchical organization to oppose Communism. The organization had a large membership of tens of thousands and disseminated books, pamphlets, and the periodical American Opinion. Under Welch's tight control, the organization's impact was severely restricted, primarily concentrating on advocating for the impeachment of Chief Justice Earl Warren and backing local law enforcement. It became a focal point for intense criticism from liberals. In 1962, Buckley gained the endorsement of Goldwater and other prominent conservatives to criticize Welch. In National Review, he criticized Welch and the John Birch Society as being "far removed from common sense" and called for the GOP to rid itself of Welch's influence.
Kirk, a traditionalist conservative, and the libertarians disagreed on whether tradition and virtue or liberty should be their main focus. Frank Meyer attempted to settle the disagreement through "fusionism": America's ability to preserve its traditions depended on economic freedom. He observed that they were in agreement against "big government" and used anti-communism as the common bond that would bring them together. Initially, libertarians objected to the usage of the label "conservative" to characterize National Review followers due to the association of "liberal" with "New Deal" supporters. They were subsequently referred to as the "New Right," in contrast to the New Left.
1960s
The modern movement originates from the Republican Party, whereas prior to its prohibition in 1965, many Southern Democrats were conservatives during the era of segregation. From 1937 to 1963, Southern Congressmen played a crucial role in the Conservative Coalition, which had significant influence over domestic legislation in Congress. Southern Democrats resisted the Republican Party by claiming that they were the only ones capable of supporting segregation, as the Republican Party at the national level was dedicated to integration. The reasoning became invalid after Congress prohibited segregation in 1964. Republicans saw this as a chance to attract conservative Southerners by positioning the GOP as the more conservative party on several social and economic matters, and as being strong on foreign affairs when antiwar sentiments grew within the Democratic party. White conservatives from the Southern region shifted their political allegiance from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party during the 1960s at the presidential level, and after 1990 at the state and municipal levels.
In January 1963, the newly elected governor of Alabama, Democratic George Wallace, strongly advocated for segregation by declaring "Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever!" He later attempted to block federal officials from desegregating the University of Alabama by standing in the schoolhouse door. Wallace conveyed traditional conservative values using a populist, anti-elitist, and down-to-earth rhetoric that appealed to rural and working-class people who historically supported the New Deal Coalition. He capitalized on anticommunism, nostalgia for "traditional" American values, and aversion towards civil rights activists, anti-war demonstrators, and individuals who display their sexuality. The Wallace movement contributed to the departure of a significant portion of the New Deal coalition, specifically less educated, low-income white individuals who later joined the GOP in the Southern states. He contributed to the rise of conservative backlash in the 1970s and 1980s. Wallace did not obtain backing from Goldwater, Buckley, or any prominent conservative. He received assistance from the John Birch Society and the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade. Wallace's support among impoverished Caucasian farmers paralleled the rhetoric of previous racist demagogues like Tom Watson from Georgia. As governor of Alabama, Wallace integrated his conservative stance on civil rights with comparatively progressive initiatives, including advocating for women's rights. Although Wallace supported state-level government benefits, he opposed government interference in free enterprise and private property. He criticized liberals for utilizing the federal government to meddle in private affairs and, as a conservative, advocated for freedom in business and labor.
Conservatives supported Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater's unsuccessful 1964 presidential campaign. Goldwater, who authored The Conscience of a Conservative in 1960, outlined modern conservative thought in the best-selling book. Goldwater's reputation was greatly damaged by his tendency to make spontaneous and extreme pronouncements about social security, the income tax, and the Vietnam War. He proposed selling the Tennessee Valley Authority in Tennessee, a popular choice among conservatives in the area. He opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which helped him acquire the backing of southern segregationists. Support for the campaign was provided by several grassroots activists, including Phyllis Schlafly (1924-), and by the recently established Young Americans for Freedom, a project funded by Buckley. In 1965, conservatives were excited about William F. Buckley running as the Conservative Party candidate for mayor of New York. When asked what he would do first if he won, Buckley humorously said that he would want a recount. Conservatives quickly mobilized and put forth significant effort in 1966 to support Ronald Reagan (1911-2004), who was successfully elected as the governor of California.
1970s
Reagan became a prominent figure in the conservative movement, particularly during his unsuccessful bid for the Republican presidential nomination in 1976 and his subsequent winning campaign in 1980.
In the 1950s, conservatives began to highlight the Judeo-Christian origins of their values. Goldwater pointed out that conservatives viewed the communist portrayal of humans as mere tools for production and consumption as incompatible with the Judeo-Christian principles that form the basis of the Republic. Ronald Reagan often stressed the importance of Judeo-Christian values in combating communism. Conservatives downplayed the aspirations of Third World countries and devalued foreign aid due to their belief in the superiority of Western Judeo-Christian traditions. Conservatives have predominantly used the term "Judeo-Christian" since the 1990s.
Evangelicals became politically active in the 1920s, advocating for prohibition and opposing the teaching of evolution in schools during the Scopes Trial of 1925. However, their political involvement decreased significantly after the 1930s. The rise of the "religious right" as a political entity within the conservative coalition began in the 1970s in reaction to secularization and Supreme Court decisions over school prayer and abortion. Wilcox and Robinson argue that the Christian Right aims to reinstate Judeo-Christian principles in a society they perceive as morally deteriorating. They advocate for laws that reflect these values. The Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision, which legalized abortion, sparked a strong negative response, uniting Catholics, who had historically opposed abortion, with evangelical Protestants, who were newly engaged in the matter.
In late 2011, the New York Times reported on the Catholic bishops' displeasure at losing state funds due to the Catholic Church's stance against gay adoptive parents and other social issues.
Religious Americans are being portrayed as victims of government-supported persecution, a common narrative of Catholic bishops, Republican presidential candidates, and conservative evangelicals.
During the 1970s, several influential liberal intellectuals shifted towards conservative views, particularly those with Jewish backgrounds from New York City and established academic careers. Their disenchantment with liberalism was mainly due to disagreements with the foreign policy of detente with the Soviet Union.
Irving Kristol and Leo Strauss were the creators of the movement. They mostly published their work in periodicals such as Commentary and Public Interest, as well as contributed op-ed articles to major newspapers and position papers for think tanks. Activists closely engaged with Democratic senator Henry Jackson. Key figures in this group are Gertrude Himmelfarb, Bill Kristol, Paul Wolfowitz, Lewis Libby, Norman Podhoretz, Richard Pipes, Charles Krauthammer, Richard Perle, Robert Kagan, Elliott Abrams, and Ben Wattenberg. Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan was quite understanding, yet he continued to identify as a Democrat. Strauss' notable neoconservative followers included Robert Bork, Paul Wolfowitz, Alan Keyes, William Bennett, William Kristol, Allan Bloom, John Podhoretz, John Agresto, Harry V. Jaffa, and Saul Bellow.
Neoconservatives typically endorse pro-business policies. Some individuals pursued high-level policy-making or advising roles in the Reagan, Bush I, and Bush II administrations.
Conservatism's rise inside the Republican Party appealed to white conservative Southern Democrats throughout presidential elections. Notable figures who changed their political affiliation to the GOP include South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond in 1964 and Texas Governor John Connally in 1973. Since 1968, the Republican Party has mostly won presidential elections in the South, with 1976 being the only exception. However, it wasn't until the 1990s that the GOP gained dominance in state and municipal politics in the region. Republicans strengthened their support base by implementing the Southern strategy, which targeted Southern Baptists, Christian Fundamentalists, white social conservatives, middle-class suburbs, certain Northern migrants, and Cubans in Florida. Beginning in 1964, African American voters in the South increasingly favored the Democratic Party in presidential and local elections. They appointed several congressmen and mayors. In 1990, some moderate white Democrats in the South were still in office. However, upon their retirement, they were usually succeeded by significantly more conservative Republicans or liberal blacks. Political scientists in the 21st century highlight the significant presence of social conservatism in the South. Since the 1980s, evangelical Protestants, known as the "Religious Right," have significantly impacted the Republican primaries' voting patterns, particularly in the South where the GOP's evangelical base is most prominent.
In 1971, Lewis F. Powell Jr. encouraged conservatives to regain control of public communication by launching a focused media outreach effort. Lewis suggests monitoring national television networks, encouraging independent scholars who support the free enterprise system to publish more, utilizing a variety of publications from popular magazines to intellectual ones, producing books, paperbacks, and pamphlets, and investing in advertising to educate the American public. The American Enterprise Institute and the Heritage Foundation were established as conservative counterparts to the Brookings Institution, known for promoting liberal ideas. They invited intellectuals for varying durations, funded research, and shared the results through conferences, publications, and strategic media promotions. They usually concentrated on projects that had direct policy ramifications.
The Heritage Foundation was created as a conservative rival to the Brookings Institution, which had long been important in advancing liberal ideals. Older conservative think tanks like the American Enterprise Institute experienced significant growth due to substantial increases in conservative philanthropic donations. Both think tanks shifted towards the news media, adopted a more assertive ideological stance, and prioritized quick-response content creation and shorter publications. Simultaneously, they typically avoided conducting long-term study and instead focused on projects with immediate policy repercussions, creating synthetic materials rather than engaging in long-term research.
Conservative policies that were once considered unconventional, such as eliminating welfare, privatizing Social Security, deregulating banking, supporting preemptive war, and promoting creationism in schools, gained traction and were sometimes enacted into law. This was partly due to the efforts of influential think tanks like the Hoover Institution, the Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the Hudson Institute, the American Enterprise Institute, and other smaller organizations.
Several foundations, such as the Adolph Coors Foundation, the Bradley Foundation, the Koch Family Foundations, the Scaife Foundations, and the John M. Olin Foundation (until 2005), increased funding for conservative policy research due to their belief that mainstream academia was unwelcoming to conservatives. Usually, they have stressed the importance of market-driven solutions for national issues. Foundations frequently supported traditional student periodicals and organizations, like the Intercollegiate Studies Institute and legal groups like as the Federalist Society.
Policy entrepreneurs like William Baroody, Edwin Feulner, and Paul Weyrich began to establish conservatism within public research organizations. They aimed to compete with the liberal government for control over sources of power. Think tanks had a significant impact on the history of conservatism and heavily influenced the Republican right in the years that followed.
Nixon, Ford, Carter
The Republican administrations of Presidents Richard Nixon (1969-74) and Gerald Ford (1974-77) focused on detente and implemented wage and price controls as part of their economic intervention policies. Ford upset conservatives by retaining Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State and advocating for his policy of detente with the Soviet Union. Conservatives rallied behind Ronald Reagan, who had recently completed an 8-year term as governor of California in 1976, and backed his bid for the Republican candidacy. Ford barely secured renomination but failed to win the presidency. After significant advancements by Democratic liberals in the 1974 midterm election, Jimmy Carter was elected by the American people. Carter was considered too liberal by Southern Baptists who supported him in 1976 but not in 1980, and too conservative for the majority of the Democratic Party. Additionally, many people had doubts about his foreign affairs strategies. Carter noticed a prevailing feeling of unease in the nation due to high inflation, soaring interest rates, economic stagnation, and the extended humiliation caused by Islamic militants holding American diplomats hostage in Tehran for 444 days from 1979 to 1981.
In the 1970s recessions, inflation and unemployment both increased significantly, while concerns about budget deficits were just beginning to emerge. In the early 1970s, America remained a rather progressive nation where citizens backed social programs and rejected attempts to reduce taxes. By the end of the decade, a significant tax revolt began, with the passage of Proposition 13 in California in 1978, which significantly reduced property taxes, and increasing Congressional backing for the Kemp-Roth tax bill, aiming to reduce federal income taxes by 30 percent. Supply-side economics emerged in the 1970s as a response to the shortcomings of Keynesian economic strategy in stabilizing Western economies during the stagflation of the 1970s, following the oil crisis in 1973. It incorporated various non-Keynesian economic theories, specifically from the Chicago School and Neo-Classical School.
Phyllis Schlafly recruited conservative women in the late 1970s to prevent the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) in the U.S. Constitution. The ERA appeared uncontroversial since it swiftly passed Congress in 1972 and was promptly ratified by 28 out of the required 38 states. Schlafly criticized it as favoring anti-family feminists on the left and disadvantaging the conventional housewife. She cautioned that it would result in women being conscripted into the Army under the same conditions as men. She coordinated efforts through the Eagle Forum to prevent additional ratifications and persuade states to withdraw their ratifications. Congress extended the required timeframe, and a feminist campaign attempted to boycott tourist areas in states that had not ratified, such as Chicago and New Orleans. It was futile. The ERA was never enacted, and Schlafly emerged as a prominent advocate against feminism within the conservative movement.
1980s: Reagan Administration
Islamic militants in Tehran released the hostages after Ronald Reagan was inaugurated. The modern American conservative movement gained prominence with its triumph in 1980. Republicans gained control of the Senate in 1954, implementing conservative ideals in Reagan's economic and international policy. The administration's doctrine was characterized by supply-side economics and a strong stance against Soviet Communism. Reagan's ideas were widely embraced and backed by the conservative Heritage Foundation, which significantly increased in its impact during Reagan's presidency, continuing into a second term after the 1984 election, as Reagan and his top advisors sought policy advice from Heritage.
Reagan is considered a symbol of the American conservative movement and is praised by his followers for changing the political landscape of the United States and boosting the Republican Party's achievements. He united a coalition of economic conservatives who backed his supply-side economics, foreign policy conservatives who appreciated his strong stance against Communism and the Soviet Union, and social conservatives who resonated with his religious and social values. Reagan referred to the Soviet Union as the "evil empire" and conservatives backed the Reagan Doctrine, which involved the U.S. offering military and other assistance to insurgency groups fighting against governments allied with the Soviet Union. Reagan was criticized by liberals for his actions, while conservative historians argue that he effectively ended the Cold War.
Reagan stated that the essence of conservatism lies in libertarianism, emphasizing a desire for minimal government intervention, decentralized authority, and increased individual freedom. He believed that in the past, today's conservatives would have been considered liberals during the Revolution. Reagan's perspective on government was shaped by Thomas Jefferson's aversion to powerful central governments. In 1987, he proclaimed, "We are still descendants of Jefferson." Freedom is not granted by the government or bestowed by political figures. It is primarily safeguarded by imposing restrictions on people in governmental positions. He also greatly adored and frequently referenced Abraham Lincoln.
Supply-side economics was prevalent throughout the Reagan Era. Throughout his eight-year presidency, the national debt increased by almost 100%, from $907 billion in 1980 to $2.6 trillion in 1988, while consumer prices went up by more than 50%. Although income tax rates were reduced, federal income tax collections increased from $244 billion in 1980 to $467 billion in 1990. Median family income, having decreased under the previous government, increased by almost ten percent under Reagan's presidency. From 1981 to 1989, the United States experienced a period of prosperity, marked by the creation of 17 million new employment.
1990
In 1992, some conservatives rejected President Bush due to his failure to uphold his promise of "Read My Lips: No New Taxes." He lost his bid for reelection in a three-way fight, with populist Ross Perot garnering significant support from the right. Democrat Bill Clinton's government health care plan was halted, and in 1994, the GOP achieved significant victories led by Newt Gingrich, the first Republican to hold the position of Speaker in four decades. Gingrich's decision to halt financing for the Federal government backfired, giving Clinton the opportunity to recoup momentum and secure his reelection in 1996. The "Contract with America" pledged several reforms, but achieved little beyond discontinuing significant New Deal welfare initiatives. A national initiative to establish term limits for Congress was unsuccessful due to a Supreme Court decision requiring a constitutional amendment. However, it did have a significant impact on politics in certain states, notably California. TIME reported an identity crisis in U.S. conservatism that has been developing since the conclusion of the Cold War and Ronald Reagan's presidency. Supporters of classical liberalism, different from modern liberalism, often align themselves with the "conservative" label. In the 21st century, classical liberalism continues to be a significant influence in the Republican Party and the broader conservative movement.
George W. Bush's election in 2000 ushered in a new era of conservative leadership in Washington. Bush implemented a 10-year tax reduction plan that was extended in late 2010 after significant deliberation. Bush created a bipartisan alliance to enact "No Child Left Behind", which established national standards for public schools for the first time. The September 2001 terrorist attacks led to the United States' dedication to the War on Terror, which included military interventions in Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003.
Bush garnered strong backing from Republican lawmakers and conservative supporters during his 2004 reelection bid. In 2004, 34% of voters identified as "conservatives" and 84% of them voted for Bush, according to exit surveys. 21% classified as "liberals," with 13% voting for Bush; 45% were "moderates" and 45% of them voted for Bush. A similar tendency was observed in the 2000 exit polls. Bush received 57% of the rural vote, 52% of the suburban vote, and 45% of the urban vote according to the exit polls.
In 2008, when the financial system was on the brink of complete collapse, Bush implemented extensive rescue packages for banks and auto firms, which were not universally supported, even by some conservatives in Congress. Richard A. Viguerie and William F. Buckley, Jr. have stated that Bush did not embody conservative principles.
The Republican competition for the nomination in 2008 was chaotic, ultimately resulting in Senator John McCain emerging as the victor, who then went on to compete against Barack Obama. McCain selected Alaska Governor Sarah Palin as his vice-presidential candidate. Initially met with doubt by the GOP establishment, she energized numerous conservatives and emerged as a significant political figure on the conservative side.
Following Obama's election as president, Republicans in Congress were largely united in opposing the programs and policies of Obama and the Democratic majority. They tried but failed to halt a $814 billion stimulus spending program, new controls on financial corporations, and a scheme mandating health insurance for all Americans. They successfully prevented carbon trading from being voted on and are committed to persuading Americans that using fossil fuels does not contribute to global warming. The sluggish economic development during the initial two years of the Obama administration prompted Republicans to advocate for a reversion to tax cuts and deregulation of businesses as the most effective solution to the financial crisis. Obama's approval rating decreased consistently throughout his initial year in office before stabilizing at approximately 50-50. The decrease in popularity resulted in a significant victory for the GOP in the 2010 mid-term elections.
Some conservatives, particularly neoconservatives and those in the National Review circle, backed Obama's foreign policy decisions such as the surge in Afghanistan, air raids to aid insurgents in Libya, and the war on terror. Their support increased notably after Obama authorized the operation that resulted in the death of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, Pakistan in May 2011. The effectiveness of diplomacy and sanctions in preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons was the main concern in 2012.
Tea Party
The Tea Party movement, emerging in 2009 and ongoing, is a new facet of conservatism characterized by a populist grassroots approach with more than 600 local units expressing discontent towards the government and the two main political parties. Several units have encouraged activity and protests. The movement aims to halt perceived unnecessary government expenditure, excessive taxation, and stifling of the economy by regulatory agencies. The Tea Party gained global prominence by helping Republican Scott Brown win the Senate election for the Massachusetts seat previously held by the Kennedy brothers for almost six decades. In 2010, Tea Party candidates caused upsets in several primaries, including Alaska, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Nevada, New York, South Carolina, and Utah. This gave a fresh impetus to the conservative movement in the 2010 elections and increased Sarah Palin's prominence. Rasmussen and Schoen (2010) determined that she is the primary figurehead of the movement and has played a crucial role in its development. During the fall 2010 elections, the New York Times recognized 129 House candidates and 9 Senate candidates with substantial backing from the Tea Party, all of whom were Republicans, as the Tea Party did not have a presence among Democrats.
The Tea Party is a coalition of conservatives with varied perspectives, encompassing libertarians and social conservatives. Many Tea Party followers self-identify as "disgruntled with the government." One survey revealed that Tea Party supporters differentiate themselves from mainstream Republican views on social issues such same-sex marriage, abortion, illegal immigration, and global warming. Tea Party leadership has likewise minimized discussions about abortion and gay rights. Prior to the 2010 election, the majority of Tea Party candidates emphasized federal spending and deficits, paying minimal attention to foreign affairs.
Matthew Continetti from The Weekly Standard has observed that the Tea Party lacks central organization or specific spokespeople. He stated that the name serves as a broad term covering various groups, ranging from fringe individuals to Ron Paul supporters, Americans for Prosperity, religious conservatives, independents, and previously uninvolved citizens. He described the Tea Party as a vast and inclusive entity.